Monday, March 31, 2008

Tell Us Your History -Kusasis

It’s rather unfortunate that the "kusasis" really do not know what they are talking about.In terms of majority, how many kusasis are in Bawku? Is it the scattered kind of settlements kusasis consider to say they arIe majority? How many Kusasis are there?

In the first place,if the kusasis are claiming to be the indigenous people of Bawku why can they tell their own history if only they have one. I regret to say kusasis are lost.

Mamprusis are appealing to the well meaning and peace loving Ghanaians to be circumspect in their utterances about the conflict in Bawku. Our forefathers always said that " it is the empty drums that made the most noise", I dont think the mamprusis refusal to joint in the media war , thus, DOES not mean mamprusis at not rightful owners of Bawku. The kusasis are mere propaganda's and would come up with false stories to claim Bawku as it is for them in order to attract the attention of the public to gain favor. Even with children, one can detect the child that give the false alarm, and it is always the child that starts to complain first.

The kusasis in Bawku are just like the Liberians Refugees in Ghana who after enjoying our hospitality are now demonstrating or "fighting for their so called rights" ungrateful beings.

I will also want Ghanaians to reason with the mamprusis and ask the kusasis where their so called chiefs house is resided? In every town where can one locate the palace of the chief? Is it in the town or the outskirts of the town? To all concern Bawku did not start in 1958.

Infact the Mamprusis' have been so lenient to the kusasis for a long time.

In June 2003 Mamprusis' farms were destroyed by kusasis, mamprusis never retaliated, again the kusasis always use the so called samampiid festival to come into the town to attack the Mamprusis, but mamprusis never attacked the kusasis, kusasis rather attack and the mamprusis defend , just for sake of peace for the town, mamprusis consider the fact that Bawku is comprised of many tribes within and outside Ghana. Kusasis know what they want but are shy to say it, because it is embarrassing for the public to hear.

If Ghanaians really want peace to prevail in Bawku, they should allow Tradition to take its full course.

Source: A.R.K Bawku

Bugum (Fire) Festival

Purpose and History

This festival is held by many ethnic groups in the Northern Ghana. Most Muslims and Non-Muslims take part in the celebration. The fire festival (Bugum) is observed by the Muslims to mark the landing of prophet Noah’s Ark after the flood. It is celebrated in the night with bundles of grass used as torches.

This is the period during which some non-Muslims make offerings to their ancestors and God, since the festival marks the beginning of a new year. The Islamists hold the view that following the great flood during the time of prophet Noah, the
Ark
landed in the night and torches were lit to enable prophet Noah and his people to see whether they were on land. This festival is therefore held to mark this important night when the Ark landed after the great flood.

Besides, the Traditionalist are of the view that, one great king lost his son and when nightfalls a search party had to light torches (flash lights) in order to search for the prince in the night. Therefore this occasion is remembered annually, thus, the fire festival is held to mark this all important night.

Mode of Celebration

As the festival begins in the night, the bundles of grass used as torches are prepared in the afternoon. Lots of food are prepared for supper. Traditionally, family heads perform rituals by offering some of the prepared food to their departed ancestors. They then pray for good health and prosperity during the coming year.

After supper, inhabitants assemble at the chief’s palace. The chief lights his torch first, circles it round his head seven times while calling on his ancestors to grant him and his subjects good health and prosperity during the coming year.

He then throws away the torch an
d everybody then lights his/her torch and a procession begins amidst drumming and dancing to the outskirts of the town or village.). Following special invocations by the Chief, the ceremonial illuminate the streets. Festive drumming and dancing continue until the early hours of the morning.

The procession converge usually around a big tree. The torches are thrown at the tree. The procession then begins to dance back to the chief’s palace.

During the climax of the fes
tival celebration, the chief Imam (head of| the Muslim community) of the village or town and his entourage will pay homage to the chief and pray for success and prosperity to mark the end of the celebration.The festival is celebrated in Dagbon, Bawku, Gonja, Mamprusiland and Nanumbaland

Damba Festival - Bawku

Damba Festival The Damba festival is celebrated by the Mamprusis. The main venue of the celebration is Bawku and its environs. It is held between the months of July and August. Originally linked with Islam to mark the birth of Mohammed, the festival has gradually taken on a traditional rather than Islamic tone. The 2-day festival is full of pageantry and showmanship and is celebrated in the towns of Dagbon, Gonjaland, Mamprusiland and Nanumbaland.

Pre-Colonial Period


By the end of the 16th Century, most ethnic groups constituting the modern Ghanaian population had settled in their present locations. Archaeological remains found in the coastal zone indicate that the area has been inhabited since the early Bronze Age (ca. 4000 B.C.), but these societies, based on fishing in the extensive lagoons and rivers, left few traces. Archaeological work also suggests that central Ghana north of the forest zone was inhabited as early as 3,000 to 4,000 years ago. Oral history and other sources suggest that the ancestors of some of Ghana's residents entered this area at least as early as the tenth century A.D. and that migration from the north and east continued thereafter.


These migrations resulted in part from the formation and disintegration of a series of large states in the western
Sudan (the region north of modern Ghana drained by the Niger River). Prominent among these Sudanic states was the Soninke Kingdom of Ancient Ghana. Strictly speaking, Ghana was the title of the King, but the Arabs, who left records of the Kingdom, applied the term to the King, the capital, and the state. The 9th Century Arab writer, Al Yaqubi, described ancient Ghana as one of the three most organised states in the region (the others being Gao and Kanem in the central Sudan). Its rulers were renowned for their wealth in gold, the opulence of their courts, and their warrior-hunting skills. They were also masters of the trade in gold, which drew North African merchants to the western Sudan. The military achievements of these and later western Sudanic rulers and their control over the region's gold mines constituted the nexus of their historical relations with merchants and rulers of North Africa and the Mediterranean.

Ghana succumbed to attacks by its neighbours in the eleventh century, but its name and reputation endured. In 1957 when the leaders of the former British colony of the Gold Coast sought an appropriate name for their newly independent state, the first black African nation to gain its independence from colonial rule they named their new country after ancient Ghana. The choice was more than merely symbolic because modern Ghana, like its namesake, was equally famed for its wealth and trade in gold.

Although none of the states of the western
Sudan controlled territories in the area that is modern Ghana, several small Kingdoms that later developed in the north of the country were ruled by nobles believed to have emigrated from that region. The trans-Saharan trade that contributed to the expansion of Kingdoms in the western Sudan also led to the development of contacts with regions in northern modern Ghana and in the forest to the south. By 13th Century, for example, the town of Jenné in the empire of Mali had established commercial connections with the ethnic groups in the savannah woodland areas of the northern two-thirds of the Volta Basin in modern Ghana. Jenné was also the headquarters of the Dyula, Muslim traders who dealt with the ancestors of the Akan-speaking peoples who occupy most of the southern half of the country.

The growth of trade stimulated the development of early Akan states located on the trade route to the goldfields in the forest zone of the south. The forest itself was thinly populated, but Akan speaking peoples began to move into it toward the end of the 15th Century with the arrival of crops from
Southeast Asia and the New World that could be adapted to forest conditions. These new crops included sorghum, bananas, and cassava. By the beginning of the 16th Century, European sources noted the existence of the gold rich states of Akan and Twifu in the Ofin River Valley.
Also in the same period, some of the Mande who had stimulated the development of states in what is now northern Nigeria (the Hausa states and those of the Lake Chad area), moved south-westward and imposed themselves on many of the indigenous peoples of the northern half of modern Ghana and of Burkina Faso (Burkina, formerly Upper Volta), founding the states of Dagomba and Mamprusi. The Mande also influenced the rise of the Gonja state.


It seems clear from oral traditions as well as from archaeological evidence that the Mole-Dagbane states of Mamprusi, Dagomba, and Gonja, as well as the Mossi states of Yatenga and Wagadugu, were among the earliest Kingdoms to emerge in modern
Ghana, being well established by the close of the 16th Century. The Mossi and Gonja rulers came to speak the languages of the people they dominated. In general, however, members of the ruling class retained their traditions, and even today some of them can recite accounts of their northern origins.


Although the rulers themselves were not usually Muslims, they either brought with them or welcomed Muslims as scribes and medicine men, and Muslims also played a significant role in the trade that linked southern with northern Ghana. As a result of their presence, Islam substantially influenced the north. Muslim influence, spread by the activities of merchants and clerics, has been recorded even among the Asante to the south. Although most Ghanaians retained their traditional beliefs, the Muslims brought with them certain skills, including writing, and introduced certain beliefs and practices that became part of the culture of the peoples among whom they settled

In the broad belt of rugged country between the northern boundaries of the Muslim-influenced states of Gonja, Mamprusi, and Dagomba and the southernmost outposts of the Mossi Kingdoms, lived a number of peoples who were not incorporated into these entities. Among these peoples were the Sisala, Kasena, Kusase, and Talensi, agriculturalists closely related to the Mossi. Rather than establishing centralised states themselves, they lived in so-called segmented societies, bound together by kinship ties and ruled by the heads of their clans. Trade between the Akan states to the south and the Mossi Kingdoms to the north flowed through their homelands, subjecting them to Islamic influence and to the depredations of these more powerful neighbours.

Of the components that would later make up
Ghana, the state of Asante was to have the most cohesive history and would exercise the greatest influence. The Asante are members of the Twi-speaking branch of the Akan people. The groups that came to constitute the core of the Asante confederacy moved north to settle in the vicinity of Lake Bosumtwe. Before the mid-17th Century, the Asante began an expansion under a series of militant leaders that led to the domination of surrounding peoples and to the formation of the most powerful of the states of the central forest zone.


Under Chief Oti Akenten a series of successful military operations against neighbouring Akan states brought a larger surrounding territory into alliance with
Asante. At the end of the 17th Century, Osei Tutu became Asantehene (King of Asante). Under Osei Tutu's rule, the confederacy of Asante states was transformed into an empire with its capital at Kumasi. Political and military consolidation ensued, resulting in firmly established centralised authority. Osei Tutu was strongly influenced by the high priest, Anokye, who, tradition asserts, caused a stool of gold to descend from the sky to seal the union of Asante states. Stools already functioned as traditional symbols of chieftainship, but the Golden Stool of Asante represented the united spirit of all the allied states and established a dual allegiance that superimposed the confederacy over the individual component states. The Golden Stool remains a respected national symbol of the traditional past and figures extensively in Asante ritual.


Osei Tutu permitted newly conquered territories that joined the confederation to retain their own customs and Chiefs, who were given seats on the
Asante state council. Osei Tutu's gesture made the process relatively easy and non-disruptive, because most of the earlier conquests had subjugated other Akan peoples. Within the Asante portions of the confederacy, each minor state continued to exercise internal self-rule, and its Chief jealously guarded the state's prerogatives against encroachment by the central authority. A strong unity developed, however, as the various communities subordinated their individual interests to central authority in matters of national concern.


By the mid-18t Century,
Asante was a highly organised state. The wars of expansion that brought the northern states of Mamprusi, Dagomba, and Gonja under Asante influence were won during the reign of Asantehene Opoku Ware I successor to Osei Tutu. By the 1820s, successive rulers had extended Asante boundaries southward. Although the northern expansions linked Asante with trade networks across the desert and in Hausaland to the east, movements into the south brought the Asante into contact, sometimes antagonistic, with the coastal Fante, Ga-Adangbe, and Ewe people, as well as with the various European merchants whose fortresses dotted the Gold Coast .

Saturday, March 29, 2008

Mahama Ayariga Will Loose -2008 Election BAWKU Municipal

Government assistance is contained in the quote below, from the residents of Bawku."The residents, who made the appeal through the Daily Graphic, said despite the restoration of peace in the area, there was still tension among the feuding ethnic groups, since some disgruntled youth still harboured clandestine intentions to launch violent attacks at the least provocation by their opponent"....Any help will be money wasted, like all the previous assistance.


Mahama Ayariga was more concerned with issueing a long written rebuttal to some statements Nana Akuffo Addo had said.Of course it is Ayariga's rights to do so, but my gripe is that this talkative, rubble-rouser, agitator of an MP has negligently & pathetically let his people down.What the President is doing now (mediating between the warring factions) is what Mahama Ayariga should be doing, instead of sitting in Accra and raising hell over every thing the government does or doesn't do.I feel very strongly about this issue as someone who has links with Bawku, and an MP in the Bawku Municipality, is becoming increasingly redundant, as far as the matters concerning the Bawku electorate is concerned.

Mahama Ayariga will loose his seat at this years election .He is a shameless opportunist who has only used his constituents to make a name for himself . SHAME.

If even Mahama Ayariga has any self-respect he would have call his Kusasi folks to stop the shameful cowardly acts. He will not secure the Bawku Municipal seat Again.


Source: Navrongo Man
Edited: A.R.K Bawku.

Friday, March 28, 2008

Kufuor Meets Mamprusi Delegation




President J.A. Kufuor has met with a delegation of Mamprusi elders and opinion leaders in an effort to find an amicable end to the Bawku conflict.

He appealed to the Mamprusis to approach efforts at resolving the conflict with an open mind and be prepared to accommodate new situations driven by history.

Receiving the delegation at the Castle, Osu, in Accra yesterday, the President said it was important to ensure the fair interest of the parties in the conflict and make the outcome a win-win situation for both sides.

President Kufuor noted that there was great potential for wealth creation in the Bawku municipality and so it was important to secure peace, which he said was a prerequisite for development.

He said he had been touched by the moderate language by the spokesman for the delegation, noting, "Where there is a willingness, there is a way."

With such moderate language and hearing the stories of the two sides, the President said the dialogue and an accommodating process could be launched in an effort to resolve the conflict.

The spokesman for the delegation, Dr Sam Bugri, expressed appreciation to the President for the opportunity given to them to address the issues which were important to the country, since peace and tranquillity were needed for national development.

After the opening statements, the meeting retired into a closed-door session. The President requested Members of Parliament (MPs) from the Bawku municipality who accompanied the delegation to retire, but with an assurance from him that they would be asked to join the peace process at a later time.

On March 13, 2008, President Kufuor held a similar meeting with the Bawku Naba, Asigri Abugrago Azoka II, and his elders, as well as all the five MPs from the Bawku municipality.

Violence erupted in Bawku late last year during the celebration of the Samanpiid Festival to give thanks to the Almighty God for a good harvest. So far, at least 10 people have been reported dead, several others have sustained injuries and about 127 houses and stores burnt following the violence.

In an effort to deal with the deteriorating security situation, the government has imposed curfew on the municipality and its surrounding areas and about 500 soldiers have been flown to the area to strengthen security there.

Story by Nehemia Owusu Achiaw

Thursday, March 27, 2008

KUSASIS ARE NOT PEOPLE TO TRUST

I want the general public to know that all mamprusis are very peaceful people but only defend themselves when it comes to conflict, mamprusis even though are the rightful owners of Bawku know true well that Bawku is comprised of a multi tribal community and would never dream or want to destabilize the peace existing in Bawku.Bawku is one of the gate ways to making business in Ghana and it favors visitors.

Mamprusis are located in the meddle/centre of Bawku and the kusasis at its surrounds,majority of the kusasis come to the center of the town from their varios villages to transact business in the Bawku were majority of the mamprusis reside. If only the mamprusis are war makers and if its that mamprusis started the fight in Bawku, I don't think kusasis would have gotten the gust to make too much noise,a market day in Bawku would have being a rightful day to strike or the kusasi festival which started in 1983 (samanpiid)that so called harvest festival. But rather the kusasis took an opportunity to cause provocation (kusasis have quaks people one cannot trust)on the day of their festival and resulted in going to fight with the Mamprusis.

I want the general public to know that a kusasi man shot the first gun shot in the mamprusi territory and sped off on a moto bike, the police did not go after him but rather worsen the situation with unnecessary warning shots at the mamprusi area.This alone can cause Bawku to go haywire. Kusasis are not trust worthy beings. In short kusasis attack and the mamprusis defend, I don't know what they really want.
Source: A.RK Bawku